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The Cartographic Creation of New England
Section V Mapping the Interior:
Moosehead Lake
The entire process of the European exploring, settling, and naming of the
New England coast and coastal regions was played out repeatedly,
although with significant variations, when the English pushed into the
interior of northern New England (32-33). From vague to precise
geographies, from imposed place-names to negotiated settlements, the
mapmakers and surveyors engaged in a geographical dance of place-creation with the local inhabitants, of both Native and European descent.
This process was repeated in numerous districts; it is explored here in the
context of northern Maine's Moosehead Lake region.
The new Americans expanded their interests within this land of potential
and promise. They began by imposing an order on the land that paid little
attention to Native names (34-35). After 1850, the opening up of
the interior by the railroad led to the large-scale incursion of Americans
looking to exploit the region's timber and possible mineral wealth, or to
exploit the region's ecology for hunting and recreation (36-37).
The naming of places was once again of concern as Lucius Hubbard and
others tried to define the region's 'real' place-names (38-39).
Finally--at least for this exhibition--the arrival of the United States
Geological Survey in the 1890s meant the end of negotiations and the
official fixing of the regions place-names and topographies (40-48).
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31 HERMAN MOLL (German/English, d.1732) A New
and Exact Map of the Dominions of the King of GREAT BRITAIN
... London, ca.1730 Engraving, hand-colored, 101.0 x 61.2
cm Smith Collection
The vagueness of early European conceptions of the interior of North
America are demonstrated by Moll's map of the English colonies,
originally published in 1715 (although the remarkable image of the
beavers was copied from a French map of 1698). Once away from the
coasts and the St. Lawrence, the interior of North America is shown as a
vague jumble of rivers, lakes, and forests. It is a land of mystery and
plenty, where beavers work industriously to build dams. Yet the beavers
suggest the land's potential for being improved, and for its plenty being
increased, by human hands.
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32 
33
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32 Col. JOHN MONTRESOR (English, 1736-1799) A
Map of the Sources of the Chaudiere, Penobscot, and Kennebec
Rivers Reduced facsimile of 1761 manuscript from F. H.
Eckstorm, "History of the Chadwick Survey ...," Sprague's Journal of
Maine History 14 (1926): 62-89. Hamilton Collection
33 JOSEPH CHADWICK (English) PLAN of the Interior
Parts of the Country from PENOBSCOT to QUEBEC Reduced
facsimile of 1764 manuscript from F. H. Eckstorm, "History of the
Chadwick Survey ...," Sprague's Journal of Maine History 14
(1926): 62-89. Hamilton Collection
The English capture of Québec in 1759 prompted the English to
establish an overland route from New England to Québec City.
Montresor (1760) and Chadwick (1764) followed long-established Native
trade routes, one via the Penobscot River and Moosehead Lake, the other
further east via Megantic Lake. Although both surveys were intended to
define routes through the interior, rather than to map the
interior itself, they mark the beginning of European/American attempts
to come to terms with this vast region.
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34 
35
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34 JOHN WEBBER (American, fl. 1820-1850) T. N°.
2 R. 3 N.B.K.P. | Soldier Town Neat copy of original field
survey, 1833 Manuscript, ca.29.5 x ca.31.5 cm (image) Hamilton
Collection
35 JAMES W. SEWALL (American, fl. 1850-1890) Township Number 1, Range 10, W.E.L.S. Updated
1878 copy of 1827 field survey Manuscript, ca.39.5 x ca.39.0 cm
(image) Osher Collection
As a prelude to settlement, Northern Maine was divided into a series of
townships, mostly formed by squares, each six miles on a side. The
Moosehead Lake region was surveyed in the 1820s and 1830s. The first
survey maps ignored the existing inhabitants and much of the landscape.
They were generic: Soldier Town could be almost any other township!
Only with the active use of the land--e.g., for lumbering (35)--did
townships acquire any character as discrete places, a character embodied
in new maps.
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36 
37
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36 THOMAS SEDGWICK STEELE (American, 1845-1903) W.
R. CURTIS (American) MAP OF MOOSEHEAD LAKE ... by W. R.
Curtis, C.E. From: Steele, Canoe and Camera ... (New
York, 1880) Lithograph, 59.9 x 47.0 cm Hamilton Collection
37 CHARLES A. J. FARRAR (American,
d.1893) MARSHALL M. TIDD (American) Farrar's Map of
Northern Maine . . . By M. M. TIDD. From: Farrar, Farrar's
Illustrated Guide Book to Moosehead Lake ... (Boston,
1889) Lithograph, 61.5 x 48.5 cm Hamilton Collection
Henry Thoreau published his first account of the Maine Woods in 1848.
Yet few Americans could visit the region to emulate his travels and escape
from urban life until the intrusion of the railroad in the early 1870s. Maps
were major components of the guides that were produced--the first in
1874--as much to stimulate passenger travel on the railroad as to help
tourists. The guides published by Steele and Farrar were two of the most
enduring of the genre. Tidd based his map for Farrar on Curtis's, but
added some new data along the recently completed, and prominently
marked, railroad.
Note: such maps were published both in separate editions and in
the guidebooks.
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38 
39
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38 LUCIUS HUBBARD (American, 1849-1933) Map of
NORTHERN MAINE Cambridge, Mass., 1899 Lithograph,
81.8 x 78.7 cm Hamilton Collection
39 LUCIUS HUBBARD (American, 1849-1933) MAP OF
MOOSEHEAD LAKE and NORTHERN MAINE Cambridge,
Mass., 1891. Lithograph, 59.8 x 47.5 cm Hamilton Collection
Although superficially similar to Steele's and Farrar's maps, Hubbard's
maps are significantly different in that they reflect a far more extensive
experience with the Maine Woods and the Native peoples of the region.
Hubbard had visited the region almost every summer during the 1870s,
even before the railroad had arrived. Unlike the other guide maps, he
based his own on a careful analysis of the Abanaki language and extensive
interactions with local guides. That is, Hubbard's maps constituted
something of a compromise between the imposition of English names on
the landscape and the existing cultural geography of the Native peoples.
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40 
41 
42
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43 46 
44 47 
45 48
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40-48 UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY, in cooperation
with U. S. CORPS OF ENGINEERS (43, 46) and the STATE OF
MAINE All are color lithographs, ca.53 x ca.43 cm All OML
Collections (except 44: Osher Collection)
40 PENOBSCOT LAKE QUADRANGLE N4545-W7000/15 Washington, DC: USGS, 1956
41 LONG POND QUADRANGLE Washington, DC: USGS,
1924
42 PIERCE POND QUADRANGLE Washington, DC: USGS,
1927
43 SEBOOMOOK LAKE QUADRANGLE N4545-W6945/15 Washington, DC: USGS, 1954
44 BRASSUA LAKE QUADRANGLE Washington, DC:
USGS, 1923
45 THE FORKS QUADRANGLE Washington, DC: USGS,
1907
46 NORTH EAST CARRY QUADRANGLE N4545-W6930/15 Washington, DC: USGS, 1954
47 MOOSEHEAD LAKE QUADRANGLE Washington, DC:
USGS, 1922
48 GREENVILLE QUADRANGLE N4515-W6930/15 Washington, DC: USGS, 1951
The initial topographic surveys in Maine (1898-1908) were of the
populated coastal areas, except for a spur inland along the Kennebeck
River (45). Most of interior Maine was not mapped thoroughly
until after 1920, and the far north not until after 1945 (40, 43, 46).
The government surveyors focussed on the physical features of the
landscape: relief (shown in brown); hydrography (blue); and, in later
editions, forest (green). Using guidelines established in Washington, the
surveyors mapped (in black) only those cultural features that were part of
American life: township and county boundaries, schools, roads, railways.
The surveyors also used the property owners--mostly Anglo-Americans
who had arrived after the railroad--as their sources for the names of
rivers, lakes, and mountains. The result was the definition of an almost
entirely American cartography of the region, one which erased many of
the Abanaki place-names established by earlier, more locally committed
mapmakers.
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Osher Map Library and Smith Center for Cartographic
Education University of Southern Maine,
Portland
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