The marches are triumphant, sectarian occasions and go through Catholic
areas to provoke the people and establish domination.
Analysis
[from "Every day is doomsday", Michael Mac Donnacha, An Phoblacht,
11 July '96]:
"Given the political developments of the past two years there are probably
many, including some in the Dublin government, who believe that it would
never come to this. They may have thought that David Trimble would not be at
Drumcree, seeing last year's appearance as electioneering for the Ulster
Unionist Party leadership.
For nationalists on the front line in the Six Counties there were no such
illusions. The lessons about the true nature of Orangeism have been learned
through generations. The brinkmanship and the threatening rhetoric of
unionist leaders has been followed by the sectarian killing of a Catholic
taxi driver from Lurgan and the forcing out of families in Belfast, in a
pattern that has been repeated many times before.
The fuse for this year's explosion was not lit by RUC chief Hugh Annesley's
banning of the Drumcree parade [which he subsequently sanctioned]. It was
lit exactly 12 months earlier when David Trimble and Ian Paisley marched hand
in hand through cheering loyalist crowds in Portadown, proclaiming victory.
'There was no compromise' declared Trimble. That 'jig' and the striking of
medals for participants in last year's 'Siege of Drumcree' are the symbolic
equivalent of Orangemen throwing pennies from Derry's Walls into the
nationalist Bogside. In Derry this year the Orange agenda showed through,
with Orangemen seeking to march through Derry City centre, to revive a parade
that hasn't been held since 1969.
The Orange Order depends for its very existence upon the inculcation in its
followers of just such a sense of elitism. The real class, political and
religious divisions within the unionist and Protestant communities can still
be accommodated within the order.
What most commentators ignore is the consideration without which the Orange
Order and the events of this week are inexplicable. It is not the mythical
heritage of King Billy and the Boyne, nor the legacy of the Battle of the
Diamond and the founding of the Order in 1795. It is the fact that for over
50 years the Orange Order effectively hold state power in the Six Counties.
The combination of organized elitism and actual state power was lethal. It
made unionism incredibly resistant to change. To this day no unionist leader
will acknowledge that any sectarian injustices were perpetrated by unionist
governments against nationalists during the Stormont years. Unionism has
never recovered from the trauma of the loss of that Stormont parliament in
1972. Every move further away from the institutionalized sectarianism of the
unionist one-party state - however small that move may be to nationalists -
has been seen as the final sell-out by unionists.
But this political neurosis has not come about by accident. It has been fed
by British governments and by unionist leaders. Successive Westminster
governments have allowed unionists to block change completely or to dictate
its pace. There intransigence has been rewarded. The months since 31 August
1994 [start of the IRA's cessation of military operations] have provided many
example of that, a catalog of unionists intransigence and British
stalling..."